McConnell’s Threat to Go Nuclear on Democrats Over the Filibuster is Nonsense

After the President Joe Biden Calling on Senate Democrats this week to weed out the cheater, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell play a familiar card: If a Democrat remove the filibusters now they will sorry for that when Republicans controlled the Senate later.

McConnell’s threats of political retribution have long unsettled Democrats, and the looming specter of legislative payback is at the heart of the campaign. discuss of the centrist Democratic senators in favor of maintaining the 60-vote threshold.

But McConnell’s threats of political payback shouldn’t even make their mark on Democrats’ minds as a reason to stay around. In fact, they are mostly empty.

First of all, a lot has to go right with the GOP for McConnell to execute on his threat well. Sure, he can put some bills on the floor that some Democrats don’t want to vote on, but Senate Republicans wouldn’t be able to turn bills into law without the Republican House and the Republican House. White willingly approves and signs them. That scenario is certainly possible after 2024 – a lifetime in political years – but it is far from guaranteed.

This is why Democrats are so focused on getting rid of the light right now: the clock of guaranteed uniform control for Democrats is rapidly falling to zero. terrified of the damage Republicans could do to the country while in power, and almost terrified of how soon they might lose power without voting and electoral changes.

But even if Republicans reach the federal election soon, it’s unlikely they’ll win a large enough majority for them to push for the kind of transitional legislation that scares Democrats. It is one thing that maintains party unity on broad policy topics and campaign slogans, especially when in the minority — it is quite another thing to negotiate sensible compromises on the ground. full caucus at the level of detail required by federal law. Just ask the Democrats.

McConnell bills are threaten—Like immigration crackdowns or abortion restrictions — are measures that will upset the GOP base and make some Democrats feel nauseous. They are also precisely the ones who can get the weakest support from the vulnerable GOP senators on whom most of them are all but certain to depend. Senators at risk of losing their seats won’t want to jeopardize their fragile electoral security by performing a taped vote that could trigger a voter backlash and the party won’t want to provoke jeopardize their majority position by forcing them to do so.

Party leaders like McConnell know well that pursuing grassroots but unpopular issues can often do more harm to the party than good. Remember the replacement Obamacare failure When was the last time the GOP controlled Congress and the White House? Not only did they fail to write a bill that satisfied enough members of their party despite it being a major campaign pillar, their very public activism on the issue focused the attention of voters. voters and stimulate voters to vote afterwards. final cost GOP the majority of their House.

This political reality actually underlies one major counter-intuitive reason the film has been around for so long: the film is a convenient political cover for majority party, and especially its most vulnerable members.

It helps them avoid politically difficult votes, which is why Senator Joe Manchin died before removing it. He represents West Virginia in burgundy; he doesn’t want to stick his neck out for the most progressive legislation.

The outcry allowed the majority to blame the rules and a minority that stood in the way of them preventing them from passing something they really didn’t have the votes to do on the basis of party lines. Without the light, the parties would have no defensible obstacle to delivering on their far-reaching campaign promises; voters will expect that they can do more than they do now.

McConnell understands this. That’s why he is unmoved even before President Donald Trump Request to end filming when he was the majority leader. He certainly didn’t keep it around because he’s an institutionalist who respects the collectivity or custom of the Senate. He was happily proven time and time again he will do whatever it takes win. If at some point he feels comfortable enough that his caucus is united behind politically beneficial goals, he will not keep an eye on launching his own. goals to achieve them. He gladly welcomes the dysfunction he threatens now if it means the GOP triumphs over the law with lasting consequences.

Like most things in politics, politics is a question of balance. At the most fundamental level, Democrats must decide whether the policy they can achieve now by eliminating violations will overcome the downsides of what the GOP can do and undo when they win. a Senate with no content. After all, if the GOP achieves unity government in a post-denuclearization world, they will reap policy victories, perhaps numerous. They should. They won. That’s how a responsive government should work.

But will they be able to navigate the various political minefields in a diverse caucus of countless members eager to be the face of the Republican Party? Are they united enough on the most politically contentious issues to achieve the kind of substantive victory they are threatening? Do not shrink.

For something as important as voting rights, access and fairness, the gains for Democrats will be monumental and immediate. Political upset or policy losses can lead to far more uncertain outcomes. Democrats are united enough to claim at least one all-important victory today. And if this bill is necessary to save democracy, as they have been calling for for months, then it is indisputable.

There are simply too many unknowns for McConnell’s threat of political revenge as the reason for the Democrats’ inaction. If his threat to force a tough vote one day is enough to keep them from realizing such a hugely important victory, they may be in the wrong business.


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